When trying to become the party of reform, we face something of a dilemma in that we oppose the destruction of Social Security. In fact, one of the core elements of the Repub party's strategy in the Social Security debate is to paint Democrats as "the Party of the Past" and
anti-reform:
The debate about Social Security is going to be a monumental clash of ideas -- and it's important for the conservative movement that we win both the battle of ideas and the legislation that will give those ideas life. The Democrat Party leadership, the AARP, and many others will go after Social Security reform hammer and tongs. ... But Democrats and liberals are in a precarious position; they are attempting to block reform to a system that almost every serious-minded person concedes needs it. They are in a position of arguing against modernizing a system created almost four generations ago. Increasingly the Democrat Party is the party of obstruction and opposition. It is the Party of the Past.
This actually is a very serious problem. I had a discussion about this last Friday with my brother, where he argued that we are in trouble if we argue that no changes to Social Security need to be made, because we will actually sound conservative and anti-reform in so doing. His solution was that Democrats should propose ending the cap on social Security taxes which currently exists somewhere around the first $85,000 of salary. My counter-argument was that telling the truth, that Social Security is running a surplus and is fully funded for decades, is actually such a new argument in the minds of most people that we will sound like the ones with fresh ideas by defending Social Security. Also, I argued that if we claim that Social Security is fully funded and push for changes in the plan, then we will actually feed into the lies coming from conservatives about Social Security's "unfunded liability," and cement the need for destruction in the minds of more people. (Unfortunately, before we could hash things out more, that discussion came to an end when the owner of the bar we were in told me that the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo was wrong because "we shouldn't stop Christians from killing Muslims," and then proceeded to tell me that I hate America. It is too bad, because I had been going there for four years, but I will never be going back.)
It is a discussion I would like to continue here, largely because I am not certain that my solution is enough. As Mark Schimdt notes:
Josh Marshall, Paul Krugman and others have aggressively driven home the point that the goal of the right here is to destroy Social Security. And there is no doubt that that is what the result would be if what we assume to be the White House plan became law. But while there is a faction of the right that would like to destroy Social Security, there is obviously also a considerable faction that wants only to destroy the political advantage that Democrats and liberals still get from Social Security. That's the faction that Wehner is addressing, and he's bascially arguing -- feebly, I think -- that they can't put up a merely symbolic fight, but have to actually win the legislation.
For the free-lunch faction, "winning" on Social Security is all defined in the last two sentences of the first paragraph of Wehner's memo. It involves putting the Democrats in a position where they do nothing but defend an old and boring program for most of the year. Republicans will appear to be the party of innovation, change, economic opportunity, while Democrats are the party of security, limited choices, old programs and old people. Democrats won't control the agenda, they'll just spend the year being against something, and they won't be speaking to the actual economic anxieties of younger people or working-age adults, because Social Security is a very limited response to those anxieties.
Brad Plummer argues that
we should respond as follows:
[W]e oppose the plan because right now we need to focus on looming budget and Medicare crises, so borrowing trillions to destroy what is essentially the most financially stable program in the entire federal government seems stupid and dangerous.
In arguing for the same solution proposed by my brother, some variation of extended the Social Security tax beyond it's current salary cap,
Kevin Drum laments what a difficult line of attack it would be:
Suppose you accept the pessimistic assumptions of the Social Security trustees. Suppose their economic and demographic predictions are correct. What does it mean?
It means that the total cost of Social Security will rise from about 4.5% of GDP to about 6.5% of GDP over the course of the next several decades. In other words, even if all the gloomy scenarios are correct, here's what it would take to keep Social Security benefits the same as they are today: an increase in taxes equal to about two points of GDP over the course of 30 or 40 years.
That's nothing. And yet we've somehow come to live in a bizarro world in which a tax increase of two points of GDP over four decades is so unthinkable that of course we need to cut benefits. This despite the fact that Social Security benefits for low and middle income workers average about 40% of their pre-retirement income, hardly a king's ransom.
How did we get to this point? How did we convince ourselves as a society that raising taxes by a small amount in order to keep Social Security benefits at a barely livable level is literally unthinkable?
I will answer Drum's question "how did we get to this point" in the extended entry. Returning to the main question of the various problems we will face as a party in the upcoming Social Security debate, I pose to MyDDers the following questions: do you find any of the above solutions adequate, and how else can we avoid being painted as anti-reform in the forthcoming Repug party attempt to destroy Social Security? We need to talk about this, because it is a serious problem.
Kevin Drum asks:
How did we get to this point? How did we convince ourselves as a society that raising taxes by a small amount in order to keep Social Security benefits at a barely livable level is literally unthinkable?
Here's the answer:
2 BILLION ASSETS CONSERVATIVE FOUNDATIONS (200I ASSETS)
(in $ Millions)
The Bradley Foundation 584
Smith Richardson Foundation 494
Scaife Family (Four Foundations) 478.4
Earhart Foundation 84
John M. Olin Foundation 71
Koch Family (Three Foundations) 68
Castle Rock (Coors) Foundation 50
JM Foundation 25
Philip M. McKenna Foundation 17.4
NATIONAL "THINK TANKS" (200I BUDGETS)
(in $ Millions)
The Heritage Foundation 33
American Enterprise Institute 25
Hoover Institution 25
Cato Institute 17.6
Hudson Institute 7.8
Manhattan Institute 7.2
Citizens for a Sound Economy 5.4
Reason Foundation 4.9
National Center for Policy Analysis 4.7
Competitive Enterprise Institute 3.2
Free Congress Foundation 2.7
Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis 2.5
MASS MEDIA DISTRIBUTION
$300M CONSERVATIVE MESSAGE MACHINE
TELEVISION
Pat Robertson's 700 Club
Fox News Channel
MSNBC's Scarborough Country
Oliver North's War Stories
RADIO
The Rush Limbaugh Show
The Cal Thomas Commentary
Radio America
PUBLISHING
Eagle Publishing, Inc.
NEWSPAPERS
The Washington Times
The Wall Street journal
WEBSITES
Townhall.com
AnnCoulter.com
STUDENTS AND SCHOLARS (200I ESTIMATES)
(in $ Millions)
George Mason University 7
Harvard University 6
Intercollegiate Studies Institute 5.8
University of Chicago 5
Yale University 5
Washington University 4
Stanford University 3
Institute for Humane Studies 2.9
National Association of Scholars 1.2
If you never read
The Republican Noise Machine, read the entire article for a primer.